Khamenei Must Go (and Take Ahmadinejad too, Please)
According to several recent reports, the Obama administration is now considering more forceful action against Iran in Iraq. This is as understandable as it was inevitable; as I wrote many months before the invasion of Iraq, it is folly to expect to maintain decent security there so long as the current regime remains in power in Tehran. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and his henchmen cannot tolerate the existence of a free, stable democratic society in its Shi’ite neighbor to the West, nor in Afghanistan to the East.
The Iranian tyrant is threatened by an ongoing mass uprising by his own people, and he desperately wants to demonstrate that the Islamic Republic can destroy and eventually dominate any would-be free state in the region. No surprise, then, that just as Iran arms, funds, indoctrinates and trains its proxies in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is providing all manner of assistance to Bashar al Assad in Syria to crush the insurrection there, and is supporting Islamist forces in other Arab countries, notably Egypt, Tunisia and Libya, to wrest control of the evolving governments from the hands of the freedom-seeking people who were in the front lines of the successful revolutions.
President Obama’s search for an effective strategy to thwart Iran’s murderous activity is driven by two developments: the mounting tempo of violence against American and allied troops and civilians in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the failure of his “outreach” to the mullahs. After two and a half years, the president has apparently realized that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei will not clasp our outstretched hand; he wants to kill, kidnap and humiliate Americans whenever and wherever possible. At the same time, Khamenei and his henchmen are mounting all manner of charm deceptions: releasing some political prisoners (even the two American "hikers" convicted of espionage), calling for Syria’s dictator to talk nicely to his victims, promising to be forthcoming on the nuclear question, and even permitting his arch-rival, Green Movement leader Mir Hossein Mousavi, to leave his heavily guarded house for a few hours to chat with his daughters. But such ploys no longer seem to entrance this administration. By now it is evident that Iran does not want a bargain with the United States. The Ayatollah Khomeini declared war on us in 1979, and he and his successors have waged that war ever since. Yes, the Iranians are quite capable of tactical retreats; I am told that Khamenei has ordered his killers in Iraq to refrain from attacking Americans, in order to deny us an excuse to reduce or delay our withdrawal. But the overall strategy remains the same: kill and dominate the Great Satan (us).
If we are going to fight back, what is the best method? Covert action—something between pure diplomacy and open conflict—is the favored method of this administration, which has greatly increased America’s use of lethal drones and US Special Forces against Iranian killers and (mostly Arab) proxies. But our most effective weapon against the Iranian regime is political, not military. Khamenei fears his own people, as can be seen from the iron fist he has deployed against them. He is so frightened by any sign of freedom in Iran, that he has even taken to arresting young people who engage in water fights in public parks.
He is right to be afraid; the Iranian people are the silver bullet aimed at the dark heart of the Islamic Republic, and we should support them, openly, vigorously, and non-violently whenever possible. If it was proper to support the Libyans against Colonel Qaddafi, all the more reason to support the Iranians against Khamenei, who, like Syrian dictator Bashar Assad, not only oppresses his own people but is the driving force behind the terrorists who kill, maim, and kidnap Americans.