The High-Water Mark of the 'Resistance'—for Now

Once more into the breach (Getty Images)

The other day I observed on Twitter that, with the last-ditch smears hurled against Brett Kavanaugh, and the final FBI report (which effectively moved the judge’s nomination to the Supreme Court to the full Senate), the rebel Democrats of the “resistance” had just attempted their version of the rebel Democrats of the Confederacy’s final charge against the Union lines at Gettysburg — the high-water mark of the rebellion and, together with Grant’s stupendous victory at Vicksburg, the beginning of the end of the War Between the States.


And, like Lee, failed. The judge has been confirmed and sworn in, and is now Justice Kavanaugh. Long may he sit on the bench as we attempt to correct the course of the ship of state and return it to constitutional principles that have been under attack by the Democrat Party since Aaron Burr murdered Alexander Hamilton.

Still, in trying to take down Kavanaugh, they hurled and spewed every bit of mud, blood, and slime they had (click on the link if you’d like to see a representative example of the deracinated Left at its most frustrated, hateful, and vicious), unleashing covens of banshees to screech and scream in the halls of Congress while their elected representatives brought continuing disgrace onto a political party that is beyond shame and has been for nearly two centuries.

When the judge reacted the way any normal man with a spine would, and punched back against his tormentors, Democrats and the media allies complained about his “temperament,” as if the foremost qualification for public office is how much abuse Kavanaugh could endure — or, to use the mot de jour much beloved by the Left, “survive.” Now they are complaining that the Court, with Kavanaugh’s ascension to its ranks, has lost “legitimacy,” and will continue to smear him with baseless charges, operating along well-orchestrated principles of Leftist argumentation:

  1. Post a counter-factual (Kavanaugh is a rapist)
  2. Argue it as if it were prima facie true
  3. Win by any means necessary

As I first wrote in my book Rules for Radical Conservatives (2010, under my Leftist alter ego’s name of “David Kahane”) and summarized here, we are and have been for many years in the middle of a Cold Civil War:


Despite all the evidence of the past several decades, you still have not grasped one simple fact: that, just about a century after the last one ended, we engaged in a great civil war, one that will determine the kind of country we and our descendants shall henceforth live in for at least the next hundred years — and, one hopes, a thousand. Since there hasn’t been any shooting, so far, some call the struggle we are now involved in the “culture wars,” but I have another, better name for it: the Cold Civil War

In many ways, this new civil war is really an inter-generational struggle, the War of the Baby Boomers. America’s largest generation, the famous “pig in the python,” has affected everything it’s touched, from the schools of the 1950s (not enough of them) through the colleges of the 1960s (changed, changed utterly), through the political movements of the 1970s and ’80s (revolution and counter-revolution), and into the present, where the war is still being waged.

That this is a prescription for the breakdown of our legal system bothers them not one whit; for them, emotions (Burr’s wounded pride, Andrew Jackson’s anger, John Wilkes Booth’s need for revenge, Clinton’s gangster background, Obama’s Chicago Way) always trump reason, which is why they have so much of the former and evidence so little of the latter. Despite their defeat in the Battle of Brett Kavanaugh, they (like the Democrat South in the Civil War) will be back for more.

Like Gettysburg, the ferocity of the fight against Kavanaugh, I believe, took both sides by surprise, but while the Democrats raged with their usual unscrupulous tenacity, the surprise was that this time the Union line held firm, aided by unexpected heroism from Lindsey Graham — liberated after the death of John McCain to resume the persona he had during the Clinton impeachment — and Susan Collins, both of whom reproached McCain’s “friends across the aisle” in no uncertain terms, particularly Graham:


But, just as it was at Little Round Top, it was the unassuming warrior from Maine who finally fixed bayonets and charged the enemy:

And so the day, and the vote, was carried. There is now a relatively (thanks, John Roberts!) solid 5-4 conservative majority on the Court and, should the next vacancy or two come about through the death or retirement of the elder two liberal justices, Ginsburg and Breyer, the keening of these evil spirits will be almost unendurable, as will be the threatened or actual violence that will accompany it.

This is why, therefore, the Battle of Brett Kavanaugh was so important, and why the final 50-48 vote was, in its way, more decisive and instructive than any bipartisan 96-3 tally — Ginsburg’s, as a matter of fact — could ever have been. For it was the very closeness of the vote that has caused the Democrats such pain, in a manner akin to Donald Trump’s victory in the Electoral College despite the loss of the overall popular vote: so near yet so far. As Wellington said of Waterloo, it was “a damn close-run thing,” but of such victories are legends made, and final defeats cemented.

As proof, I offer the stand-down and surrender, not of the Democrats, but of two prominent #neverTrumpumpkins. First, Erick Erickson a couple of days ago:

And my friend Jay Nordlinger today:


As Victor Laszlo says to Rick Blaine at the end of  Casablanca:

The Democrats, of course, will take longer. Already, they’ve decided that their problem in the Kavanaugh fight was that they didn’t fight dirty enough: 

The president’s gleeful taunts of Franken as a quitter at a campaign rally in Minnesota Thursday night—he folded “like a wet rag,” Trump cackled—were, for Democrats, a wicked preface to their ash-in-mouth defeat this weekend in the Kavanaugh nomination fight.

Whether Trump knew it or not, his remarks were perfectly pitched to stoke anxieties that have haunted many top Democratic operatives for a generation: the fear that their party loses big power struggles because Republicans are simply tougher, meaner, more cynical and more ruthless than they are.

A belief in one’s own virtue feels good. Losing a battle that could shape the American political landscape for decades feels bad. The tension between the two left some Democrats grappling anew this weekend with the implications: Maybe they really are the Wet Rag Party.

Well, I have long called them the party of slavery, segregation, secularism, and sedition, and see no reason to change that assessment; in fact, I even wrote a small pamphlet about it, The People v. the Democratic Party, which is available at the link. That they see themselves as the Good Guys helps fuel their sense of justifiable outrage whenever they lose; as I’ve also long noted, they take a Brezhnev Doctrine approach to their policy positions: that once something like, say, Dred Scott, Plessy v. Ferguson and Roe v. Wade is adopted, it can never be overturned except at the point of a sword.


[Rahm] Emanuel, who recently decided not to seek re-election in part due to dissent from his leadership within his own party, doesn’t frame it so starkly. “It’s not about being meaner and more vicious than the other side. It’s being tougher and ruthless about achieving your real mission” on policies, he told me.

Perhaps at some point they will, like Michael Douglas in Falling Down, or Alec Guinness in The Bridge on the River Kwai, be forced by exigent circumstances to take a good look in the mirror and see the monster they’ve become:

Right I know — don’t hold your breath. In a two-party system, there will always be the party of Give and the party of Take, the party that believes we owe fidelity to the past in order to ensure the prosperity of the future, and the party that is sure we must destroy our own past (just as we must destroy our own children) in order to ensure a radically different path for a country and a culture they loathe because it does not deserve to live.

The Battle of Brett Kavanaugh threatened the latter outcome, and now, with the next resignation or death on the Left, will force the realization that they, finally, have lost. For no enemy is truly defeated until he has surrendered, and a 6-3 or 7-2 majority on the Court will protect the Constitution from the depredations of the cultural Marxists among us, and their “living Constitution,” for at least another generation.

Your move, Democrats. General Grant is on his way.














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