A Reuters/Ipsos national opinion poll reported that the Democratic Party is losing its popularity edge among millennials even though they don't like Donald Trump. An "online survey of more than 16,000 registered voters ages 18 to 34 shows their support for Democrats over Republicans for Congress slipped by about 9 percentage points over the past two years, to 46 percent overall. And they increasingly say the Republican Party is a better steward of the economy."
When considered in the context of the near-total liberal domination of the media, academe and entertainment industries, the chief influences of the youth, the millenial disaffection assumes almost the proportions of a revolt.
In fact the American millenials are late to the party -- or the revolution if you will. The Europeans preceded them. In January 2016 Ryan Girdusky wrote "Unlike in America, Europe’s millennials trending more conservative".
There’s a growing rift between Western millennials: Millennials living in America are excited about left-wing progressives like socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), while those living in heavily taxed and regulated nations in Europe are flocking to right-wing nationalists parties.
In the France’s regional elections last December, 35 percent of millennials voted for the right-wing Front National, a full eight points higher than the party polled nationally.
Similar results occurred in Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Poland, where the youth vote went heavy towards the far-right parties like the Freedom Party of Austria, The Danish People’s Party, Party for Freedom, and the Law and Justice Party.
Establishment figures on both sides of the Atlantic have been scratching their heads about these developments — American millennials are moving towards democratic socialism, at the same time their counterparts in Europe are shifting to nationalism.
The Atlantic noted that "the new face of European right wing populism" was 31-year-old Sebastian Kurz. "Kurz could be a sign of what’s to come from the next generation of European leaders—one that is running and governing in a time of turbulent political change across the continent." By contrast the American Democratic Party's flagbearers are people like Bernie Sanders, Hillary Clinton and Nancy Pelosi. Manifestly they can no longer automatically assume their program represents the future. In fact, as the Reuters/Ipsos poll suggests they may already symbolize the past.
Despite the touching sentimental attachment that publications like the New York Times have for Karl Marx, there is a big possibility that the ideas upon which big government liberalism is founded are irrevocably mired in the 20th century -- if not in the 19th.
The thesis that the current rebellion against the liberal orthodoxy is only some kind of 1930 racist atavism, a kind of survival from a bygone age, will eventually disappoint its adherents.
The genuine loss of confidence in liberalism explains why the strategy of "freezing and personalizing" all evils in Donald Trump, despite the epic efforts of the media and cultural elites to destroy him, has not stemmed the defection of the millenials from their ranks. Trump is the result and not the cause of the populist revolt. Destroying the Donald will produce only a negligible check on rebels. The idea that the special prosecutor or a comedian at the White House Correspondents' Dinner can by some magical words, effect the restoration is doomed to fail.