If the presidential election were held today?
Donald Trump would win again, by defeating Democrats on the same battlegrounds that secured for him the Oval Office in 2016. Lots of people believe that. Many others think Trump’s reelection chances are 50/50 at best. Democrats and Never-Trump holdouts hoping and praying that he’s already toast have convinced themselves that there is no way in hell a majority of voters in key states will elect him to a second term.
But one factor in the debate is undeniable. Trump’s chances have gotten a lot better recently. His State of the Union address was magnificent. Rasmussen has his approval rating hovering around 50 percent. What promises he has not yet fulfilled or policy goals he has not yet achieved he is earnestly trying to fulfill and achieve, against opposition that would have withered most garden-variety politicos—you know, the people Trump defeated.
He’s working hard and succeeding in many areas. But significant credit for Trump’s improved outlook can be placed directly at the feet of and on the plate of the extremist left, that is, the Democratic Party. The stories being driven relentlessly home by conservative media—the unconscionable treatment of Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh, the Covington Catholics, the embarrassment of the Green New Deal, Virginia’s governmental minstrel show with sex abuse on the side, and late-breaking Deep State coup d’ etat revelations from former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe—are grafting onto 2020 Democratic hopefuls the onus of cognitively dissonant un-American insanity.
The big story of the last week centered around the pathetic Jussie Smollett, which, while being a repulsive item, represents a net positive for the Trumpservative cause. Every time the left and its media propagandists get within striking distance of a salient message that might resonate with the populace, some malcontent crawls out of the woodwork and gives pause to fence-sitting independents and wavering Republicans who may be pondering a change in course. The vandals who defaced the iconic statue of the homecoming WWII sailor exuberantly sweeping a wartime nurse off her feet are only the latest exhibits in the case against the social justice-incensed, identity politics-obsessed blame-America-first transformers.
The supply of irresponsible and reprehensible leftist actions and positions is inexhaustible; there will be some new egregious offense in the news next week.
Smollett will soon be consigned to the status of disreputable asterisk and vanish into the oblivion of leftist mercy bookings, his fifteen minutes of ignominy and politico/media/celebrity enablement only having served to strengthen a growing perception of the true nature of leftist designs, bias, bigotry, and hate.
The Green New Deal (and similar socialistic proposals) and McCabe’s potentially self-incriminating revelations have real narrative staying power, however, and provide excellent utility for Republicans and Trumpservatives preparing to mount a no-holds-barred campaign to hold the White House. The truth of what Democrat ascendancy means for our constitutional republic is playing out with unprecedented overreach and bold-facedly subversive clarity. It is a truth revealed that argues well for the prudent decision to not switch horses in the middle of a swamp.
While staying the course and with the full understanding that President Trump is the only real hope for national survival in the next election, his base of voters was forced to swallow a bitter pill with the recent shutdown-coerced immigration deal. Monitoring social media and listening to conservative talk radio reveals that many are feeling Ann Coulter’s pain.
But is the president really to blame? Here’s a refresher on how the quest for $5.7 billion got derailed. When the GOP recently controlled both houses of Congress, Trump was hampered in fulfilling his all-important immigration campaign promises due to the necessity of needing a 60-vote Senate majority to stanch the flow of illegals pouring across the border. He only got affirmation from a dithering House and outgoing functionary “suit” Paul Ryan at the eleventh hour. As the midterm election loomed, Mitch McConnell would not allow a vote on something everybody knew wouldn’t pass. Though a lost opportunity due to Democrat intransigence and numerical realities, a vote at least would have demonstrated to Republican voters where their elected senators stand on immigration.
They should stand with President Trump, considering the two ways that the Republican Party can vanish like Jussie Smollett hopefully will: (a) if, due to weak Republican leadership, an entitlement-seeking, Democrat-voting horde of third-worlders invades the United States, or (b) if enough Republicans declare that they’ve had enough, and abandon a party that refuses to join in solidarity with what might be the last great “American” president.
Republicans who dither on national sovereignty are counterproductive and cowardly, but they are also dangerous inasmuch as they have no instinct for self-preservation.
Post-midterm, with the Democrats in the House majority, Trump was left with no choice but to sign an enervated bill that in some respects is the antithesis of what he promised. It was a setback, no spinning it, which conferred upon Democrat leaders Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer the operational gestalt of having thwarted the best-laid plans of Trump and his administration. Declaring a national emergency and vowing to round up the money for the wall and other border security measures is the name of the immigration game now, and Mr. Trump’s best chance for maintaining the support of his base. His otherwise stellar achievements as commander-in-chief will serve him well in the Keep America Great campaign.
If the election was held today? The nation is getting a good look at the Democratic candidates. We’ve seen what the Democratic Party has to offer, both in the realm of policy and in the deeper, uglier realm of their tactical inhumanity and core ideologies.
Only Joe Biden can save the Democrats. Joe Biden cannot defeat President Trump.