Race and Culture
The current multicultural paradigm in the West simply does not work, again due to its innate contradictions of wanting what is supposedly wrong. Ostensibly because of past imperialism, colonialism, racism, and privilege, dominant so-called white (if any can define it) culture in the West must not only apologize for Western influence, but assume it exists only through ongoing exploitation of the “other.” And, second, due to endemic bias, so-called minorities must be given exemption from social norms — different requirements for hiring and admission, politically correct no-go zones in discussions of crime and pathologies, and a general culture of self-censorship about why, say, a Detroit looks like Hiroshima did near 70 years ago, or why millions flock to a Cologne, Los Angeles, or London, but no one is dying to reach Cairo, Algiers, Oaxaca, Lagos, or San Salvador. Race is not the reason, but culture most certainly is.
Consider just two news items that reflect the modern liberal implosion: the Trayvon Martin case and the Elizabeth Warren fraud. Both tell us a lot about liberal notions of race. In the former, the media did all that it could to construct a racial fantasy: on the one hand, Martin was to be a preteen model student, eating Skittles, when gratuitously assassinated; Zimmerman, on the other hand, was a white gun-toting German vigilante out to racially profile blacks and shoot them “like a dog.” The goal was to prove again that America is a dangerous place for young black men, given the ubiquity of roving white shooters, and, in a larger sense, to remind us of the ongoing need for the entire liberal idea of guilt and reparations.
Absent, as it had to be absent, was the truth: Martin was a suspended, not a model, student. He bragged in social network pages of both drug use and violence, and was kicked out of school for possessing “a burglar” tool from school. He likely beat Zimmerman to a pulp and did not cry for help, but rather was on top of one who far more likely did. Zimmerman suffered head wounds and a broken nose. He was Hispanic (had he spiced up his name to Jorge Zimmerman, he would probably not be in jail). He was not a racist vigilante, but a nervous neighborhood watch monitor who assumed that black youths had recently burglarized his middle-class community. He found himself in a fistfight with a 17-year-old, fit youth who was pounding his head to the pavement. And then he shot the attacker who was not armed.
Whether that act was reckless endangerment, self-defense, involuntary manslaughter, or second-degree murder, a jury — not the commentary of Al Sharpton or Barack Obama — will decide. What we do know, however, is that almost nothing that the media and the Congressional Black Caucus told us about the case proved true. The notion of a white male berserker on the hunt for preteen candy-eating blacks lost in the rain was critical to the racial narrative. And in a larger sense, there could be no collective worry about frightening statistics of black-on-black crime, vastly disproportionate black-on-white crime incidence, and soaring illegitimacy, incarceration, and single parenthood. The pathologies of the underclass minority community, then, are critical arguments for compensation and reparation for an elite careerist class such as the Congressional Black Caucus — all of which brings us to the Warren embarrassment.