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Why Liu Xiaobo’s Nobel Peace Prize Matters

Some day, we may look back on this moment in Chinese history and point to it as the beginning of the end of the Chinese Communist "dynasty."

by
John Parker

Bio

October 12, 2010 - 12:00 am
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For many Americans, the initial reaction to this year’s Nobel Peace Prize announcement was probably something like “Liu who?” — a reaction ironically shared by many in mainland China where jailed dissident Liu Xiaobo’s name has not been widely known either, thanks to government censorship and repression. In fact, the Nobel Committee’s absurd choice last year of Barack Obama notwithstanding, Liu is a deserving winner — an immensely courageous and thoughtful figure who deserved to be a household name long before he became one. But is Liu’s Nobel important? Speaking as an American expatriate writer in Asia for almost 15 years, I believe it is; and it’s worthwhile to explain why.

First, Liu’s award matters because it will inevitably draw renewed attention, and give new energy, to the “new” democratic reform movement inside China, a movement which developed subsequently to the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. In particular, the award will create enormous curiosity, both inside and outside China, about “Charter 08,” the democracy manifesto that Liu, with other dissidents, coauthored in 2008.

Moreover, as important as it is for Westerners to know about Liu and the other democrats, if only because our vast trade with China directly affects Western interests, it is far more important for Chinese — especially the wealthy, urban Chinese who can actually influence events — to know about him and his ideas. This is happening at this very moment. All over China, Liu’s writings are being posted, removed by government censors, reposted, and removed again. His name is being whispered everywhere, from Beijing in the north, to Guangzhou in the south, to Tibet in the west.

Thanks to the Internet, this Pandora’s box cannot be closed. Liu himself may stay in jail, or be sent into exile, but the ideas he has advocated cannot be suppressed. China’s dictators are learning, as a thousand different autocracies have learned before them, that ideas cannot be killed. And Liu’s core idea — that Chinese people are just as good as other human beings and therefore must have the same rights — has an appeal that is more powerful than the mightiest army, more determined than the most ruthless secret police.

In addition, Liu’s Nobel is important because it shows how, invisible to the outside world, the debate inside China has moved on. It is well known that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) responded to Tiananmen by allowing greater economic freedom while cracking down on political dissent. But few people realize that the democratic opposition, which still exists despite the crackdown, responded to this by hardening its stance against the CCP: the democrats now no longer believe that the CCP can reform internally, or that some kind of compromise, such as expanding the scope of China’s “village elections,” is possible. Instead, as Charter 08 shows, they now believe that nothing less than full multiparty democracy is acceptable.

Actually, there are two views about the CCP’s post-1989 delay of political reform. The first view is that Beijing has invented a new political paradigm — “Asian authoritarianism,” “market Leninism,” or whatever one chooses to call it — which is successfully delivering stability and economic growth, with complaining limited to a few misfits. This view is promulgated by the CCP (though with more self-flattering labels, e.g., “socialism with Chinese characteristics”) and accepted by a dismayingly high number of Western commentators (e.g., Tom Friedman).

There is an alternative view, however, which holds that by delaying political reform too long, the CCP has made itself irrelevant to China’s political future, and would be quickly swept aside by other political forces if truly free elections were ever held, much as the dwindling, marginalized Communist Party in Russia has been. The surprising persistence of democratic ideals in China, as symbolized by Liu’s Nobel, argues that this latter view may turn out to be the correct one.

It may seem unlikely now that the CCP could fade away as the Russian party has, but there is evidence that the CCP itself fears this eventuality. Since 1989, CCP officials have made discreet inquiries with socialist parties in European ex-Communist states to learn how they have maintained their political viability in a democratic environment. And just a few days ago, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao — the #2 figure in the CCP power structure — gave a CNN interview where, in an uncharacteristically conciliatory, almost wheedling tone, he claimed to support political reform. This is particularly significant because Wen is literally the only member of the regime’s top leadership who is even slightly popular with the Chinese public.

In addition, the Nobel is noteworthy because it brilliantly exploited one of the only effective weapons that the outside world has against the militarily invulnerable CCP: namely, humiliation. Most Westerners do not appreciate how potent the loss of “face,” or “mianzi,” is for Chinese and other East Asians. People in this part of the world are highly sensitive to direct criticism because, culturally, they almost never have to face it.

Consequently, their desire to avoid any form of shame or censure is very strong. Seen as a “loss of face,” it is hard to exaggerate how stunning a setback Liu’s Nobel is for the CCP regime. Until just days ago, Beijing was certain that it had intimidated or jailed its domestic opponents, cowed or co-opted foreign governments with the lure of economic ties, and charmed media and intellectual figures around the world with the Olympics in 2008 and the Shanghai Expo this year. Instead,the regime finds itself being compared to Nazi Germany, which was the only other government to have the Peace Prize awarded to a political prisoner while in custody (that winner was pacifist Carl von Ossietzky, who won in 1935 for exposing efforts to rebuild the German Air Force in violation of the Versailles Treaty).

Also, like other Communist regimes, the CCP has used its control of education to systematically indoctrinate its citizens, almost from birth, that all criticism of the CCP (the unelected ruling party) is tantamount to criticism of China (the country/culture/civilization). But this is a lie, and always has been. As many Chinese are beginning to realize, foreign politicians and journalists who criticize the CCP’s mistakes — including, implicitly, the Nobel Committee — are actually on the same side as ordinary Chinese people who suffer directly from those mistakes.

One of the regime’s favorite tricks is to frame all criticism in the context of “China vs. foreigners.” But the biggest threat China’s people face, in reality, is the CCP, which has murdered at least 50 million Chinese since taking power, and continues to oppress them in countless ways, including flagrant corruption, land seizures, heinous pollution, censorship of the press and the Internet, and poisoned milk and pet food. Thus, a more accurate framing would be “Unelected CCP regime vs. 1.2 billion Chinese people and the rest of the world.”

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