Netanyahu’s Deft Touch
The Israeli prime minister is demonstrating a sure hand in building his coalition and in dealing with the world.
September 12, 2009 - 12:57 am
Unlike President Obama, Bibi Netanyahu calculates his survival in the short term amidst the uncertain sea of Israeli politics, as he can be thrown out by a vote of no-confidence.
Leading a coalition of conservative parties, Netanyahu broadened the government by including Labor, which lost dramatically in the last election, and he has tried to entice his biggest rival Kadima to join. The head of Kadima, former Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, has refused, fearing that her supporters will feel betrayed. But many in Kadima don’t agree and seem willing to split and join the government.
If that happens, Netanyahu will have eliminated any significant opposition and have completed an extraordinary political coup.
By including opponents in his coalition, he has created a new form of consensus politics in Israel and destroyed his most potent political rivals. Marginalized, the extreme left and Arab parties are irrelevant. That provides the government with not only political clout but a true national position as well. That may well have changed the face of Israeli politics.
Against the backdrop of scandal-ridden regimes led by Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert, former Likudniks who broke away and led Kadima to power, Netanyahu’s mandate was not only to restore a sense of honesty and responsibility to government but to ensure that Likud would become Israel’s leading party. His primary concern is not Obama’s demands or the EU’s anti-Israel policies, but creating a political base upon which he can rely and from which he can lead.
If Netanyahu can convince members of Kadima that it is in their and the national interest to join his government, he will ensure his survival and establish himself as Israel’s most important political leader.
Netanyahu’s second strategic move is to change the international alignment against Israel. Foreign Minister Avigdor Lieberman has been successful in reaching out to Russia’s Vladimir Putin, and especially to Russian-speaking states in the former Soviet Union. Speaking the same language is an enormous advantage; whether it will influence Russia’s antipathy to Israel is the question. Moreover, by drawing Russia into the picture, Israel has sent a message to the U.S. that it is not the only player.
That could be a brilliant move, and although it competes with Russian interests in Iran it might influence EU member states and even blunt Obama’s crusade against Israel.
Netanyahu’s tightrope walk, like Obama’s, will depend on the strength of the economy. Because Israel’s banking system is more tightly controlled, Israel’s economy is in relatively good shape. Israel’s real estate and housing markets — the key to economic stability and expansion — remain quite strong, and along with innovative Israeli technology the economy will strengthen. Despite political interference and serious strategic and security threats, Israeli leaders are not blind to reality.