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Is Newt Gingrich Wrong to Talk About Sharia?

A response to Lee Smith, who says that the former House speaker is wrong to mention sharia, since it is a “hopelessly abstract concept” and an “Orientalist fantasy.”

by
Raymond Ibrahim

Bio

August 24, 2010 - 12:03 am

In a recent article appearing in Tablet, Lee Smith takes Newt Gingrich to task for the latter’s focus on sharia (i.e., Islamic law).  The thrust of Smith’s argument is that sharia is a “hopelessly abstract concept” and “a highly idealized version of reality that has little basis in fact”; that sharia is “a catchall phrase for legal principles that have rarely, if ever, existed in actual Muslim societies”; and that “the notion that something called ‘sharia’ was widely imposed throughout the lands of Islam is an Orientalist fantasy.”

My first observation is — even if all these charges were perfectly true — so? It hardly matters what sharia really is; all that matters is what today’s Muslims believe it is. And a great many believe sharia is tangible and codified, and that it can, and should, be implemented in society. More to the point, telling the apostate or adulteress — who are regularly executed “according to sharia”— that they are really being murdered by “principles that have rarely, if ever, existed in actual Muslim societies” is hardly reassuring.

Smith does acknowledge Islam’s famous draconian punishments; he just prefers to call them hudud, and limits them to “Islamist outfits like the Taliban.” Similarly, Smith offers a blitz tour on Islamic jurisprudence — including the Hanbali, Hanafi, Maliki, and Shafi‘i madhahib, the differences between usuli and akhbarifiqhijma‘aqlqiyas, and ahkam sultaniyya — even as the reader wonders how these concepts are relevant to the discussion at hand: Islam in America, from a national security context.

Should Newt Gingrich be required to earn a doctorate in fiqh from Al Azhar before he can utter the word sharia? Or should we understand that he is simply referring to what Muslims themselves, especially Islamists, constantly refer to as sharia? Indeed, if Muslims use the word sharia as a “catch all phrase” (as Smith correctly asserts) should we not, too — if only to ensure that we are all talking about the same things?

In short, Smith’s position is purely academic and, far from clarifying things to the layman, pedantically convolutes matters. That said, it does offer one advantage: it helps differentiate “Muslims” from “Islamists.” Consider: Islamists are precisely those Muslims who insist that sharia is knowable, and that they are obligated to uphold its every minutia, whereas so-called “moderate Muslims” acknowledge, at best, the most general demands of Islam, namely, the Five Pillars. This division also explains the lure of Islamism: surely the idealistic or zealous devotee will be attracted to the tangible, the implementable, the clear-cut, whereas the indifferent and possibly secularized Muslim will be quite content to conclude that anything beyond the basics is “an Orientalist fantasy” to be devoutly ignored.

Smith continues:

When Gingrich argues that “radical Islamists want to impose Sharia on all of us,” I can’t imagine how he sees that happening, short of the largest land invasion in human history of foreign Muslim soldiers. … The stealth scenario is slightly less preposterous — jihadis insinuating their way through our legal and political systems to slowly Islamize a credulous U.S. public degree by degree — but many times more repugnant. It is necessarily premised on the idea of a United States that has lost all faith and confidence in its own values and an intellectual and political elite too stupid to tell the difference between our founding principles and Islamic obscurantism.

First, Gingrich’s point that “radical Islamists want to impose Sharia on all of us” is perfectly valid, as it deals with intention, not necessarily capacity, though Islamist chances obviously increase when we ignore the threat they pose (through, say, semantic quibbling). As for Smith’s “repugnancy” towards the efficacy of the “stealth scenario,” he seems to overlook how the vicissitudes of time and chance are apt to slowly and subtly alter the face of society.

Consider how radically changed Western society has already become in comparison to earlier generations. Couple this with the fact that the whole point of the stealth jihad is to operate slowly, eroding Western values chip by chip; that today’s predominant philosophies of postmodernism (“there are no absolute rights or wrongs”) and multiculturalism (“no one way is better than the other”) are especially conducive to the introduction of Muslim mores in society — and “the largest land invasion in human history of foreign Muslim soldiers” may not be necessary.

Just as the old timers of previous generations marvel agape at what is today deemed acceptable (or unacceptable), years from now, you too may well wonder — how did it come to this? Yet such is the way of time: small concessions today lead to great, and often unexpected, changes tomorrow. And such is the way of the stealth jihad.

Raymond Ibrahim, a Middle East and Islam specialist, is author of Crucified Again: Exposing Islam’s New War on Christians (2013) and The Al Qaeda Reader (2007). His writings have appeared in a variety of media, including the Los Angeles Times, Washington Times, Jane’s Islamic Affairs Analyst, Middle East Quarterly, World Almanac of Islamism, and Chronicle of Higher Education; he has appeared on MSNBC, Fox News, C-SPAN, PBS, Reuters, Al-Jazeera, NPR, Blaze TV, and CBN. Ibrahim regularly speaks publicly, briefs governmental agencies, provides expert testimony for Islam-related lawsuits, and testifies before Congress. He is a Shillman Fellow at the David Horowitz Freedom Center; Judith Friedman Rosen Writing Fellow, Middle East Forum; and a Media Fellow at the Hoover Institution, 2013. Ibrahim’s dual-background -- born and raised in the U.S. by Coptic Egyptian parents born and raised in the Middle East -- has provided him with unique advantages, from equal fluency in English and Arabic, to an equal understanding of the Western and Middle Eastern mindsets, positioning him to explain the latter to the former.
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