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Good Neighbor Policies and the U.S. Presidential Election

Why the candidates should be saying more about Latin America. (This article is available in Spanish here.)

by
Jaime Daremblum

Bio

August 23, 2012 - 12:00 am
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Speaking of narco-trafficking, Central American officials urgently need more outside assistance in their battle against Mexico-based cartels and other drug gangs. According to the International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), the ultra-violent Zetas cartel (a cartel formed by Mexican special-forces troops) may control as much as 80 percent of the territory in Guatemala’s northern department of Petén, which borders Mexico and Belize. A new IISS report points out that Central America now has “three private [security] guards for every police officer.” The report also cites an estimate by the Honduran defense minister that 87 percent of all U.S.-bound cocaine travels through Honduras, which has the world’s highest murder rate. Over a three-month period between April and July, the U.S.-led “Operation Anvil” interdicted some 2.3 tons of cocaine in Honduras. Unfortunately, the operation made headlines not for its interdiction success but for a number of drug-raid shootings, one of which may have killed several innocent civilians.

Given the harsh budget realities facing lawmakers on Capitol Hill, it is unrealistic to expect a massive new U.S. aid program for the violence-plagued countries in Central America’s northern triangle. But the United States could and should be doing more to help the likes of Guatemala and Honduras build stronger, more reliable police forces and judicial systems. Between 2008 and 2011, Washington provided more than five times as much anti-drug aid to Mexico as it did to Central America, according to IISS. With the Zetas and other powerful Mexican cartels rapidly entrenching themselves in neighboring countries south of the border, the Central American crisis deserves greater U.S. attention, especially since democratic institutions are also being threatened by domestic political actors. (Witness the recent attempt by the leftist FMLN party to hijack El Salvador’s supreme court.)

Compared with the northern-triangle nations, Panama has a relatively low homicide rate and relatively little drug violence (though it still has serious crime problems). It also has the world’s most famous canal, which is currently in the midst of a $5.25 billion expansion. Scheduled for completion in 2015, the canal expansion will make Panama much more significant to the world economy in general and the U.S. economy in particular. (Panama is already the “most globalized economy in Latin America,” according to the Latin Business Chronicle, and McClatchy correspondent Tim Johnson notes that “major multinationals, including Caterpillar, Procter & Gamble, Dell and Mexico’s Cemex have turned to Panama as a headquarters for regional operations.”) This means that a stable and well-governed Panama has never been more important to U.S. interests.

Likewise, it has never been more important for the United States to develop a strong and trusting relationship with Brazil. When Brazilian leader Dilma Rousseff visited with President Obama this past April, one Brazilian journalist observed that there was “a considerable lack of mutual respect” between the two countries. (This was partly a legacy of former Brazilian president Lula da Silva’s 2010 attempt to undercut U.S. sanctions against Iran by negotiating a uranium-swap deal.) Building greater mutual respect will go a long way toward moving Brazilian foreign policy in a more pro-U.S. direction. Indeed, if Washington wants Brazil to become a more robust champion of human rights and democracy in Latin America, it must cultivate a deeper, more mature bilateral relationship.

Again, I understand why these are not top-tier campaign issues. But President Obama and Governor Romney should both be saying more about the many challenges and opportunities in Latin America.

(This article is available in Spanish here.)

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Jaime Daremblum, who served as Costa Rica’s ambassador to the United States from 1998 to 2004, is director of the Center for Latin American Studies at the Hudson Institute.
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