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Do Liberals Think It’s Okay to Call a Black Man the N-Word?

Silence about the assault on tea partier Kenneth Gladney shows that leftists care about blacks only if it advances their agenda.

by
Mary Grabar

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December 6, 2009 - 12:35 am
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There’s nothing that liberals hate more than a black person who achieves success without their help. While the president of the United States gets worked up about a policeman who arrests a clearly out-of-control “scholar” (Henry Louis Gates Jr.) who enjoys a cushy job advancing the notion that blacks were, are, and always will be victims, he says nothing about his close supporters, SEIU thugs, ganging up on a black man trying to sell merchandise at an August health care town hall. Professors who refuse to teach Huckleberry Finn because of its realistic dialogue ignore the fact that eyewitnesses heard the N-word hurled at Kenneth Gladney, the 39-year-old man for whom the wheels of justice have stopped. The original misdemeanor charges have been reduced to an ordinance violation.

But the ignoring of an unprovoked beating of a black man fits into the racist history of the left. They have been successful in propagandizing the idea that their efforts led to civil rights laws and integration. But a look at the past, namely of their predecessors, the communists, reveals a pattern of using black people for their larger goals. This history, though, is being censored by those in control of education — radical professors like Bill Ayers.

Much has been said about Ayers’ (and fellow 1960s radicals’) terroristic past, but little has been said about his racist views. But his views are the left’s in a nutshell; they explain why Gladney is being ignored.

Ayers is one of the 1960s radicals who have exploited race to advance his own career. White liberals use blacks they “help” to prove their own virtue — and to get tenure, awards, consulting jobs, political office, etc. Although they “help” others — like indigenous peoples, traumatized soldiers, women, and schoolchildren — the black person has always provided the best photo-op for the racist white person.

Ayers’ latest book, coauthored with wife Bernardine Dohrn, Race Course Against White Supremacy, reveals an agenda to dismantle capitalism through claims of its inherent racism. But Ayers’ 2001 memoir, Fugitive Days, reveals his racism too.

Like Barack Obama, Ayers was a community organizer. This son of privilege decided to minister among the benighted denizens of Cleveland and begins chapter 11 with his typically melodramatic style:

Whenever I hear the thwack-thwacking of a helicopter overhead, or the frantic approach of sirens in the night, I think back to Cleveland, 1966.

I remember a solemn line of troops early one morning marching noisily up Euclid Boulevard in full battle gear, bayonets fixed, rubber gas masks mutating each soldier into a monster from space, their tall black boots stomping on the pavement, their tin canteens and ammunition belts beating out a syncopated response.

Ayers sees himself as the heroic “freedom fighter” of this romantic narrative. But the worst he suffers as he participates in the rioting he helps instigate is being tear-gassed and getting a broken finger.

As if he were Martin Luther King Jr. sitting in Birmingham Jail, he writes about why he is in Cleveland:

The Community Union was part of a joint national strategy of SDS and SNCC, the beginning of a shift away from attacking the legal barriers to integration largely in the South … toward organizing around de facto segregation and economic injustice everywhere.

Ayers, like many of those who had the time and means to “organize” those who do not realize their oppression, has a curious way of looking at “poor people”: “Our focus was on building a powerful force of poor people in big northern cities — the grassy grassroots, we called them — who could not only change their own lives but could change the world.” Changing the world, to a communist utopia, of course, was the goal.

He continues, “Our slogan was ‘Let the People Decide,’ and our plan was to live among the poor, to share their travails and their triumphs, then to build action and organization around issues of broad and shared concern: tenant and welfare rights, for example, safety and police brutality, education and schools, racial discrimination.” Notice that there is nothing about jobs or building businesses or strengthening families. And of course the people could decide — as long as their decisions matched those of Ayers and company.

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