Chávez’s Foreign Fan Club
The Venezuelan election will have ramifications throughout Latin America and beyond. (You can read this article in Spanish here.)
October 4, 2012 - 12:00 am
Bolivia joined ALBA in 2006, and Ecuador came onboard three years later. The two South American countries are both led by strongly pro-Chávez presidents who have adopted the Venezuelan model of authoritarian populism. If Chávez were removed from office via the ballot box, it would definitely be a setback for Evo Morales (Bolivia) and Rafael Correa (Ecuador).
A Chávez defeat would also unnerve Argentine president Cristina Kirchner, who counts Venezuela as one of her few close allies. In February 2012, after Argentina inexplicably seized the cargo from a U.S. Air Force plane involved in a police-training exercise, a senior official in the Buenos Aires city government lamented, “Our only friend right now is Hugo Chávez.” Venezuela has provided crucial debt relief to Argentina, and it is now aiding Argentine oil-drilling efforts near the British-held Falkland Islands, which have been controlled by London since 1833 but are also claimed by Buenos Aires. (Britain successfully repelled an Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982.)
The Colombian FARC, meanwhile, has enjoyed Venezuelan assistance for more than a decade. Indeed, the U.S. Treasury Department has sanctioned several high-ranking Venezuelan military officials for aiding the FARC, including the current defense minister, Henry Rangel Silva. In recent years, Chávez reportedly took steps to reduce the FARC presence on Venezuelan soil — but he only did so, according to Stratfor emails released by WikiLeaks, after Colombia captured Venezuelan drug kingpin Walid Makled and used his extradition as diplomatic leverage. (Makled has revealed that dozens of Venezuelan officials, including 40 generals, were connected to his drug business, as was the FARC.) Moreover, this past summer, residents of the western Venezuelan state of Apure told the New York Times that FARC members were still “moving around the state with alarming impunity.”
Beyond Latin America, the Venezuelan election may decide whether Caracas remains a strategic ally of Tehran. Under Chávez and Ahmadinejad, Venezuela and Iran have increased their economic, financial, energy, and military cooperation. This has helped the Iranian regime evade global sanctions, and it has helped the Iranian-backed terrorist group Hezbollah expand its presence in South America. (Last year, Treasury sanctioned the Venezuelan state-run oil company PDVSA for shipping gasoline to Iran. In 2008, it said the Chávez regime was “employing and providing safe harbor to Hezbollah facilitators and fundraisers.”)
Capriles, the grandson of Holocaust survivors, has been critical of the Caracas-Tehran alliance. In a recent interview with the Guardian, he asked: “How have relations with Iran and Belarus benefited Venezuela? We are interested in countries that have democracies, that respect human rights, that we have an affinity with. What affinity do we have with Iran?”
In that same interview, Capriles said of Venezuelan relations with China, “Everyone deals with China.” But we don’t know for sure whether he would keep all the “oil for credit” agreements that Chávez has signed with Beijing. “Since 2007,” Bloomberg reports, “the China Development Bank has lent Venezuela $42.5 billion collateralized by revenue from the world’s largest oil reserves,” and this money has fueled the government’s pre-election spending blowout. China is now receiving 640,000 barrels of Venezuelan oil every day, and about 200,000 of them are effectively loan repayments. On September 21, Caracas and Beijing agreed to pursue joint development of the Las Cristinas gold mine in southern Venezuela.
While Capriles has said that “no one in the world can do without China,” he told the Guardian that he would not “buy more weapons” from Russia, a country that has sold Chávez billions of dollars’ worth of military equipment (everything from combat helicopters and antiaircraft missiles to tanks and assault rifles). The Venezuelan leader is close to Vladimir Putin, who recently gifted him with a Black Russian Terrier. Their two countries have stepped up bilateral energy cooperation, and Caracas has officially recognized the “independence” of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the two Georgian provinces that Russia invaded back in 2008.
It’s quite rare for a Latin American election outside of Brazil or Mexico to draw much attention from foreign observers. But Sunday’s vote will have ramifications far beyond Venezuela’s borders.
(You can read this article in Spanish here.)