At Justice, It Just Keeps Getting Worse
The Civil Rights Division has blocked a much-needed reform of a local school board in S.C., once again showing it has no interest in protecting minority voters if they are white.
March 16, 2011 - 12:00 am
The Civil Rights Division at the Justice Department has done it again. Under the supervision of scandal-plagued Deputy Assistant Attorney General Julie Fernandes, the Division has blocked a much-needed reform of a local school board in Fairfield County, S.C. It’s the latest example of what happens when you put a civil rights enforcement unit under a political appointee who opposes race-neutral enforcement of the Voting Rights Act (VRA).
Aided and abetted by her boss, Assistant Attorney General Tom Perez, Fernandes, who is in charge of all voting-related cases, has engineered an illegitimate racial objection to reform in Fairfield County. Her argument finds little support in the VRA and runs counter to Supreme Court precedent. It does, however, neatly reflect the ideology of the ACLU and the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, which requested that DOJ object. In fact, there is evidence from sources outside DOJ that Fernandes may have overruled the opinion of the career staff that no objection was warranted, an action that liberals (especially those in Congress) raised as “shocking” and “outrageous” when it supposedly occurred during the Bush administration.
Blacks constitute 59 percent of the population of Fairfield County. Blacks also hold six of the seven elected seats on the county school district’s Board of Trustees. As even Justice admits in its objection letter, the school district has been plagued for years with a “poor academic record, accusations of financial impropriety … the perceived ineffective leadership of the school board, the [local] legislators’ inability to obtain any assistance from state education officials, and the repeated requests from constituents, both African American and white, for assistance in improving the district’s schools” (emphasis added).
The Democratic legislators who represent Fairfield County, outraged at the poor education their majority black student population are receiving, took action. They convinced the South Carolina legislature to pass a bill adding two appointed members to the school district’s “ineffective” board of trustees. Enter, the Justice Department. Because South Carolina is covered under Section 5 of the VRA, it had to submit this change in the composition of the school board to the Civil Rights Division for approval.
Under Section 5, the Division is supposed to review changes in “voting” procedures to ensure that the change has neither the purpose nor the effect of discriminating (what is termed “retrogression”) against those voters who are a minority in a particular jurisdiction – in this case, the white population that constitutes only 41 percent of the population.
Yet the objection letter that the Division sent to the school board analyzes this change according to its supposed effect on the black population, which is the majority of the county (the letter found no purposeful discrimination).
DOJ’s actions are completely contrary to the VRA, which was designed to protect all voters (regardless of color) and especially those who constitute a minority in a covered jurisdiction. But the actions are, regrettably, perfectly in line with Fernandes’ oft-expressed (and legally indefensible) view that the VRA protects only black voters and other national ethnic minorities. The Civil Rights Division’s flimsy objection notwithstanding, the change in the number of members of the Fairfield County School Board is not discriminatory in purpose or effect. It is, in fact, a direct response to the desperate pleas of local citizens of every race and color to help them fix their public schools.
The other problem with this objection is that it flies in the face of Supreme Court precedent. In 1992, in Presley v. Etowah County Commission, the Supreme Court defined what kind of voting “changes” are subject to Section 5 review. They include changes in the manner of voting, changes in candidacy requirements, changes in the composition of the electorate, and changes affecting the creation or abolition of an elective office.