What also cries out even louder for explanation is why “civil rights” groups such as Chinese for Affirmative Action (CAA) and the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF) support affirmative action programs that so demonstrably discriminate against so many Asian Americans. In its statement on SCA 5, CAA emphasizes its “strong opinion that affirmative action must remain a tool for advancing fairness and equality for Asian Americans and others in the foreseeable future, and ought to be embraced in solidarity with all communities that face systemic discrimination.” It does, however, call for amendments including an “explicit prohibition of quotas,” as though that should make the explicit awarding of preferences to others acceptable.
The AALDEF, “progressive” organization that it is, actually defends the discrimination against Asians and attacks the Asians who protest against it. A blog post discussing SCA 5 on its site a few days ago, for example, complains that normally:
Asian Americans are trotted out by predominantly white anti-affirmative action groups as the poor “aggrieved victims,” as in Texas and Michigan.
In this new California fight to reverse the ending of affirmative action, some Chinese Americans, most of them new immigrants, have learned their political role and have been quick to speak out first.
Presumably those Chinese American “new immigrants” are so new they have not yet learned their proper place on the progressive plantation.
The “new Chinese immigrants” who have not learned that their desire for colorblind equal opportunity must defer to the demands of other groups for preferential treatment are not the only Asian targets of progressive defenders of affirmative action. The rising call for “disaggregation” — in effect eliminating “Asian American” as a classification so that different sub-groups can be treated differently — would introduce a whole new layer of discrimination against long-resident communities of Chinese, Japanese, and Koreans.
A report issued by The National Commission on Asian American and Pacific Islander Research in Education (CARE) calls for “data disaggregation to better understand the variation of the educational experiences and outcomes within the highly diverse Asian American and Pacific Islander student population” so that some Asian American groups, but not others, can become beneficiaries rather than victims of “diversity.” The failure to disaggregate Asian and Asian-American data to reveal its sub-groups, the report claims, “has been a key barrier to policy and program development that advances the equitable treatment for the AAPI community.”
By “equitable treatment,” I noted in “Disaggregation: Not Enough Hmong Among Us?,” what the disaggregators really call for “is unequal treatment — preferential treatment of the ‘underrepresented’ sub-groups.” That is clearly what AALDEF has in mind when it justifies its support of SCA 5 by pointing out that “segments of the Asian American and Pacific Islander community, most notably the Filipino, Southeast Asian, and Pacific Islander groups, remain woefully underrepresented.”
The disaggregators may think (or at least hope) that increasing the preferential treatment of “underrepresented” Asian groups would silence the growing Asian opposition to affirmative action, but it might do the opposite. Ron Unz has demonstrated that the proportion of Asians accepted to selective, especially Ivy League, colleges has remained unchanged despite the increasing numbers of highly qualified Asian applicants. Whether of not this “surprising” consistency results from overt or covert quotas or the miracle of massaged “holistic” criteria, admitting more members of Asian sub-groups would result in the admission of even fewer Chinese, Japanese, Korean and other traditionally high-performing Asian applicants, the very applicants who under the current system suffer the most from the preferences given to blacks and Hispanics.